donald rumsfeld now
He began taking antidepressants. But Van Riper kept bumping up against him. Rumsfeld's latest book, Rumsfeld's Rules, collects wisdom Rumsfeld has gathered for leaders to more effectively run organizations, so I ask him if he's sent a copy to the new Pope. "Order is a big word for Presbyterians," Martin Marty says. But he vowed to complete the mission, as the army had always taught him to do, and soon it was “Good morning, Diane” (Sawyer); “Good morning, Katie” (Couric); “Victory hangs in the balance, Wolf” (Blitzer); “Bill, I think … ” (O’Reilly); “I’ll tell you, Chris … ” (Matthews); “Bob, let me say that … ” (Schieffer); “Lou, good evening” (Dobbs); “You bet, Keith” (Olbermann); “I can speak for myself, Jim … ” (Lehrer). In photographs, striding purposefully before his troops in his maroon paratrooper’s beret and desert camouflage, Swannack, who made 153 jumps himself, is a frightening guy. "It never crossed my mind," Rumsfeld laughs. “And neither has anyone else.” The episode fed perceptions that Eaton’s replacement, General David Petraeus (now the overall commander in Iraq), essentially started from scratch, a claim that Rumsfeld and Petraeus have stressed is not true. Even the honorifics have disappeared. But even most of Batiste’s critics consider him exemplary; the worst they can say about him is that he’s overly idealistic or overwrought or confused. But only last April, after his friend Paul Eaton, whom he knew from the Balkans, had published his article, did he talk. Newbold had just begun his slide show, describing the size of the force and means of deployment, when the belittlement began. He rejected the usual lavish retirement ceremony at the Marine Barracks—“As I told the commandant, ‘I don’t want my last act as a Marine to be to make Marines work for me’”—and opted instead for a small gathering at the Army-Navy Club, in Alexandria. To the Pentagon brass, and even to some of Batiste’s friends, the situation, while novel and delicate, was eminently manageable. Then no one had arranged to take him to Baghdad; he had to thumb a helicopter ride there. “When you look around at how many people were in positions to raise their voices, senior military leaders who had a duty to object, and how many did—I’m having trouble counting how many did,” he says, his voice intensifying. Casey skewered him for contradicting the administration’s position, told him to “stay in your lane,” then demanded to know when Riggs planned to retire. “It created the groundswell that caused Rumsfeld to be gone, period,” he says. “Rumsfeld wanted to come in and kick a few butts, and Greg’s was the butt that was kicked.”, Newbold witnessed numerous Pentagon briefings in which an always exasperated Rumsfeld forever harped on the incompetence all around him—“Can’t anyone count numbers?” he might say—and says plenty of others got it far worse than he did. Donald Rumsfeld Quotes. It’s not through the front page of The New York Times.”. And while the scenes of destruction across the U.S. might not be pretty to some people, any human being who longs for freedom will understand: A looted Target store is a small price to pay for a transition to freedom. Donald Rumsfeld's faith is also product of where he grew up, in the now well-to-do suburb of Winnetka. View the list Only two things are infinite, the universe and human stupidity, and I'm not sure about the former. He lives alone, in a rented place he’s turned into a shrine to the 82nd Airborne, the legendary paratrooper corps he commanded from October 2002 to May 2004, and a gallery of Saddam Hussein—abilia. Haunting him, too, was the example of General Harold K. Johnson, about whom he had studied at the Army War College. When President George W. Bush asked him to begin a cabinet meeting with a prayer, it came as a surprise, as he "had never been one to wear my faith on my sleeve," he admits in his memoir Known and Unknown. “If [McMaster is] not outlining Take Two, someone else is for sure,” says Eaton. “Seven thousand, seventy-five hundred.” Still, he supports the surge. American forces had been sent to Iraq, he wrote, “with a casualness and swagger that are the special province of those who have never had to execute these missions—or bury the results.” He mentioned no generals by name, nor, for that matter, the secretary of defense; only when the editors leaned on him did he put Rumsfeld in, and call for him to be replaced. “It became an important component of last year’s political season,” says Lawrence Di Rita, Rumsfeld’s former spokesman at the Pentagon, and the most public—and durable—of his defenders. To retired four-star Marine general Anthony Zinni, the former head of United States Central Command (CentCom) who spoke out against the war from the beginning, thereby becoming a role model to the six, their performance was “a tremendous act of patriotism.” But Di Rita believes they both maligned Rumsfeld and hurt their country, rending the delicate fabric of civilian-military relations. The six retired generals who stepped forward last spring to publicly attack Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s handling of the Iraq war had to overcome a culture of reticence based on civilian control of the military. Would you like to contribute to Left Voice? It was classic counter-insurgency: meeting with the locals, buying them off, giving them jobs, respecting them, mollifying them, intimidating them, and, when necessary, fighting and killing them. Riggs fled Washington for Florida, where he began selling and installing modular homes. Though some of the generals had complained while on active duty about Rumsfeld’s handling of the war—and, they believe, were penalized for their candor—each had to overcome a lifetime of reticence before calling for him to be replaced. “He was searching for my ass,” Riggs says. He is—it’s a strange word to use for a Marine, let alone the one who led the first boatload into Mogadishu in 1992—sensitive, almost tender, though there is clearly leather beneath the velvet. In that position, he saw the Iraq war take shape even before September 11, then saw the plan solidify. When, the next day, some sergeant in a basement at Fort Myer, Virginia, handed him a flag and a form letter from George W. Bush, Riggs’s nearly four-decade-long military career came to an abrupt end. February 12, 2002. “I’m having trouble getting above one. Donald Rumsfeld is now gone, and history’s first draft on him has been written. Then the real war came. Barry McCaffrey, the retired general (and former drug czar) for whom Batiste once served, had him pegged as a future chairman of the Joint Chiefs. Then came “Millennium Challenge ’02,” the $250 million war game Gladwell examined. Los mercados mundiales sacudidos por la incertidumbre electoral en EE. All rights reserved. “I should have had the gumption to confront him,” he says. Rumsfeld's quasi-Presbyterian ethos might help explain his understanding of the role of government. Where is the “Lesser Evil” Now? Then, with Schmitt pleading the importance of making his views known, he jumped back in. But most upsetting was the reaction from his own soldiers, who were flabbergasted—and, depending on how well they knew him, either disappointed or enraged—by what he had done. "I don't know that he needs my advice! In November, Batiste began a job as president of Klein Steel, a small, family-owned concern in Rochester. The funding Rumsfeld had authorized got enmeshed in the Pentagon bureaucracy. Back then Rumsfeld briefings were still must-see TV, even internationally, and one top general who’d tuned in that day recalls how sorry for Newbold he felt. A mainliner like Rumsfeld "wouldn't be bothered by it," Marty says. “Unless something in the next few years happens, I think historians will nail him,” he says. On CNN a week later, Miles O’Brien did. Ultimately, Newbold did make his views known to superiors and colleagues, to no avail, and he left the Marines in the fall of 2002. Speaking out, he feared, could undermine the troops in the field—another legacy of Vietnam. Leading a corps is the most coveted of positions; no one ever turns it down. The time for these men to have spoken out, these critics said, was while they were still in uniform, through the chain of command; past retired generals with bones to pick had had the decency to wait for administrations to change before writing books, rather than popping off against incumbents in real time, practically before the ink on their retirement papers had dried. During one of Wolfowitz’s visits, he griped to him about the “shell game” they’d been forced to play with scarce American soldiers, moving them from one hot spot to another, allowing the insurgents to pop back up in their wake. This time, Jones accepted. Finally, he agreed to write the article—for Time, he says, because he believed it would be read beyond the Beltway, in Iowa and Oregon and Mississippi.

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